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A |     (ECNS)-- China's newly implemented Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law has elicited a predictable response from certain Western media outlets. Whenever ethnic unity is referenced, some Western critics rush to frame it as "assimilation" or a push for uniform national identity.    Fan Yichou, associate professor at the Law School of Minzu University of China, argues that such misinterpretations arise primarily from projecting Western historical nation-state building trajectories onto China's ethnic policies.    Put simply, some Western observers do not view China from the perspective of its domestic social realities, but rather judge it through the lens of their own historical experience.    Fan argued that the traditional Western nation-state model rests on a core premise: one ethnic community ought to align with one sovereign state, with political boundaries largely overlapping ethnic territories. To build culturally homogeneous nation-states, most Western powers historically sought to eradicate internal ethnic diversity through assimilation, exclusion, and other coercive measures. Such nation-building drives were often accompanied by territorial conquest, mass population displacement, and systemic violence.    He drew on arguments laid out by Canadian political philosopher Will Kymlicka, who observes that the classical European template of nation-building rested on an implicit consensus: states should strive to become culturally homogeneous, by either assimilating national minorities or expelling them. For centuries, this ideal of a mono-national state shaped state policy across almost all Western European countries, with Switzerland stands out as the only major exception.    This deep-rooted historical trajectory continues to frame contemporary discourse on ethnic governance.    A stark modern illustration emerged in 2025, when Danish local authorities took away the newly-born daughter of an 18-year-old Inuit mother from Greenland just one hour after birth following a controversial parenting competency assessment. Her case was far from isolated. According to reports by the BBC and other media outlets, another Greenlandic mother had all three of her children under state custody. She was first subjected to a so-called parenting competency test after social services raised concerns about the language development of her eldest daughter. Although the Danish government has decided to stop using such tests on Greenlandic families, local authorities have yet to halt the practice.    The enduring harm of assimilationist policies extends far beyond this Danish case. UNESCO’s Memory of the World archives document that Canada's Indigenous residential school system continuously operated for nearly 150 years, with the explicit state objective of assimilating Indigenous children into settler society. Generations of Indigenous children were forcibly separated from their families, severed from their ancestral languages, cultural traditions, and intergenerational knowledge systems.        The United States has grappled with comparable challenges. According to a 2025 Associated Press report, Native American children in California are roughly about four times more likely to enter the foster-care system than their peers.    Newborns separated from their mother shortly after birth. Generations of children torn apart from their families and ancestral languages. Indigenous youth who remain vastly overrepresented in foster-care placements to this day. All these are legacies of the West's long-standing obsession with assimilation.    That explains why, when some in the West hear China speak of "ethnic unity," they instinctively equate it with "assimilation." In reality, they are projecting their own social trauma onto China.    China's context, however, is fundamentally different.    As Fan Yichou notes, China has long been a unified multi-ethnic country. Within the Chinese tradition, political unity has not demanded cultural uniformity. Instead, unity and diversity have coexisted across most of the nation's history.    This outlook finds theoretical expression in the concept of plurality-in-unity put forward by renowned Chinese sociologist Fei Xiaotong. In his framework, China's 56 ethnic groups represent the plurality, whereas the Chinese nation embodies unity.    From this perspective, the Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law is not designed to eliminate ethnic differences. Instead, it seeks to strengthen a shared sense of belonging while respecting cultural diversity.    This distinction highlights a broader divergence between China and the West in approaching identity and social cohesion.    In many Western societies, historical assimilation sought to diminish group differences and compel minority groups to conform to dominant-culture norms. By contrast, China's emphasis on forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation is not intended to obliterate diversity. It seeks to build shared civic and national identity, while enabling all ethnic groups to sustain their own languages, customs, and cultural traditions.        Ethnic groups may speak different languages, practice different customs, and vary in development level. Yet they can still uphold shared dedication to national progress and a common sense of belonging within a unified multi-ethnic state.    Genuine ethnic unity does not require everyone to fit into the same mold. It means ensuring that different ethnic groups can participate in national development while maintaining their own cultural characteristics and thriving with equal dignity and equitable opportunities.    So when some in the West equate China's "ethnic unity" with "assimilation," their judgment stems not from an accurate assessment of China’s reality, but from a subconscious projection of their own historical burdens, contemporary social anxieties, and deep-rooted institutional scars onto China's ethnic policies.    They are either unwilling or unable to fully comprehend China's governance philosophy and practices, yet arbitrarily pass arrogant judgment on the country. The outcome of this biased approach will be no exception of absurd narratives that fundamentally contradict objective reality.                    。    本报讯 《日报》全媒体记者 薛利超报道 今年以来，兴城市始终把选派干部工作摆在突出位置，充分发挥选派干部在抓党建促乡村振兴中的“生力军”作用，通过健全机制、强化培训、跟踪掌握、正向激励等措施，持续强化对选派干部的培养管理，确保选派干部真正下得去、干得好。                   　　建立长效管理机制，持续加大管理力度。

B | 研究印发《关于向重点乡村持续选派驻村第一书记和工作队的实施方案》和《关于做好驻村第一书记和工作队管理的通知》，结合《二季度组织工作重点提示》，进一步严明工作纪律，细化工作要求，压实106名选派干部工作责任和14个乡镇70个村的管理责任，加强选派干部在村工作日常管理，严格落实驻村工作制度、请销假制度、工作例会制度等管理措施，推动选派干部履职尽责。                   　　强化专项培训教育，提升业务能力水平。

C | 利用3天时间对兴城市106名选派干部进行岗前培训，培训班在需求摸底的基础上邀请教授专家和业务骨干进行“思想课”“政策课”“纪律课”“现场课”等8节课程的专题授课，学习全面推进乡村产业、人才、文化、生态、组织振兴的经验做法，教育引导选派干部坚持不懈用习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想凝心铸魂，切实增强当好驻村干部的使命感、荣誉感、责任感，沉到乡村振兴一线实打实帮扶，在为民造福中经风雨、接地气、长才干，为更好推进乡村振兴作出应有贡献。                   　　跟踪了解工作情况，全面掌握干部动态。坚持全方位、多角度了解掌握选派干部的精神状态、能力素质、特点特长和缺点不足。不定期深入任职乡镇（街道）、所辖村，听取干部群众对选派干部的评价意见；通过交流谈话、实地查看等方式，了解其参与重大项目、重大任务、重要工作的推进实施情况；采取专题调研、明察暗访等方式了解掌握选派干部履职尽责情况，自今年3月，106名选派干部到岗以来，采用“四不两直”方式对其开展了两轮暗访检查，全面了解其德才表现、能力素质、工作实绩、工作作风等情况，及时通报检查结果，目前调换不适宜在岗干部的工作正在推进中。                   　　注重正向激励引导，传播凝聚正向能量。

D | 强化先进典型示范引领作用，以榜样力量不断激励选派干部勇于担当、善于作为。建立驻村帮扶工作档案，动态更新记录第一书记和工作队员工作实绩、评先奖优和考核问责等情况。结合工作档案和跟踪掌握的各方面情况，识别好干部、总结好经验，并及时对6名主动作为、发挥作用的选派干部进行通报表扬。多措并举大力宣传选派干部在日常工作中的经验做法及工作成效、驻村工作中涌现的典型人物及感人事迹，全面营造积极进取、昂扬向上的干事氛围，以典型示范引领激发奋进力量。                   　　落实关心关爱措施，激发选派干部内生动力。将选派干部驻村期间各项补助纳入财政预算，足额落实驻村工作经费，严格参照考勤打卡情况发放驻村生活补助。选派干部到岗之前，乡村两级统筹资源为34名有住宿需求的选派干部准备了住宿房间，为暂无住宿需求的72名选派干部提供舒适的办公及午休空间。选派干部到岗之后，对选派干部进行“地毯式”走访慰问，通过谈心谈话和实地查看，深入了解其思想、工作、生活的具体情况和工作、生活环境，及时梳理并补齐缺少的生活物资及办公用品，帮助选派干部解决工作及生活上的难题，做好食宿、办公场所的后勤保障工作，真正让选派干部工作有“劲头”、生活有“奔头”。

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